Monday, April 22, 2013

Can the South African Police Service ever win back the trust of protestors?


Andries Tatane’s widow Malehlohonolo Tatane said she “would never trust a police officer again”. Her husband died at the hands of police during a service delivery protest march in Ficksburg when, according to the findings of the South African Human Rights Commission, the police used excessive force and violated many of Tatane’s rights, including his right to protest and his right to life. The protest was not about police action, but the police eventually had blood on their hands. 
With an estimated 3000 protests having taken place the last four years, South Africa has one of the highest number of service delivery protests in the world.  According to Leadership magazine, “the interaction between the protesting residents and the local councilors, national government and police, seems to indicate widespread collapse of systems and structures as well as growing distrust”. 
This assessment was unfortunately reinforced when footage of the killing of protestors in Marikana and images of people being dragged by police vehicles went viral on the internet. As the whole world looked on in shock at our police brutality, police commissioner Riah Piyega defended the police brutality and said there was no need to apologise to Marikana miners.  
Given our exposure to violent protests, why is the South African Police Service (SAPS) not the world leader in the policing of violent protests? By now we should have been at the forefront of knowledge, experience and reputation as far as de-escalation of violent protests is concerned.
There was a time when we were leaders in this respect. Now we have to look with some jealousy at, for example, what a country like Sweden is doing.
Sweden also experienced violent protests in the city of Gothenburg in 2001. The Swedish police were completely caught off-guard and realised that it needed a different form of policing to prevent violence during protests. They embarked on a renewal mission and asked researchers to help them find answers. 
This process led to the development of a successful model to policing protests, which included the establishment of a Dialogue Police Unit whose ultimate goal is to facilitate freedom of speech and the right to demonstrate. Their emphasis is on de-escalation, minimizing violence against the police and other groups, and preventing damage to property.
Dialogue police adopted a new mindset.  Protestors are no longer seen as law-breakers, criminals and enemies, but as equal fellow-citizens and partners whose human and constitutional rights and dignity have to be protected at all cost. Police officers see themselves as gateways to trust” and, consequently, as communicators, negotiators, mediators, facilitators, problem solvers and monitors in the first place, and appliers of law and order only when the first approach is not appropriate any more. 
“When you respect people’s right to express their views you build trust and a space to open dialogue,” according to Carsten Alven, a Swedish dialogue police officer. “You’ve got to give police and protestors reason to trust each other. When you don’t trust you don’t give others the responsibility to show you are worthy of trust.” 
How did the Swedes manage to change the mindsets of police officers? 
There are three key reasons for their success: they valued field studies; in all projects they worked collaboratively in partnerships with practitioners, trainers and researchers; and they focused on communication between key stakeholders before, during and after protests. 
In reality police officers had to develop a communicative mindset and an ability to de-escalate conflicts through listening to counterparts. 
Alven explains that “police train how to give orders and take command of situations, but not so much how to really listen and how to engage in a genuine dialogue.”
Real dialogue requires good information, solid networks and open communication channels within the police and with outside partners so that, when a protest occurs, everybody is connected and prepared for any event. 
Before the event police would typically meet with all key stakeholders, especially the leaders of the protest action, in a spirit of “how can we help you to have a successful and non-violent protest, which is your right? And how can all of us respect one another’s dignity and rights and show this through responsible behaviour?” 
Is this scenario possible in the current South African context? Of course is it possible. In fact, during the National Peace Accord (1991-1994) we did exactly what Sweden is now credited for: preventing violence through negotiation, mediation and facilitation.
I had the privilege of working for the Western Cape Regional Peace Committee and vividly remember many occasions where civil society activists, peace workers, political parties and the security forces met to share information, design strategies to defuse tensions and forge consensus on tactics and logistics. Police commanders learned not to exclude “outsiders”, but to seek their advice and assistance, without which the police would never have been able to de-escalate tensions. 
Even in situations where the police themselves were the source of the problems they subjected themselves to be held accountable by the peace committees. 
We may not have had a Dialogue Police Unit like the Swedes, but we had strong institutionalised infrastructures for peace on the ground with a mandate from the National Peace Accord (NPA). Everybody joined hands with a common purpose: to combat violence nonviolently towards a peaceful transition. We succeeded and that is what the world credited us for. 
So why did we not continue from there to transform into the best civilian and civilized police service in the world?  
The reference to the Swedish example does definitely not suggest that the West or Europe is setting the standard here. On the contrary. We were the ones who had set a standard for the rest of the world in 1994, but now we are so far behind.  
Many of my former colleagues—researchers, practitioners and trainers—in the NPA structures continued to work with the police in these capacities but since Jackie Selebi’s appointment as National Police Commissioner, they found themselves excluded.  Police management has been far less willing to work with “outsiders” than before. This is a bizarre development which defies logic and does make sense. 
Why on earth would you deprive yourselves of learning from others? And why would you sideline your own fellow-citizens whose purpose it was to help SAPS grow into the most experienced and sophisticated police service in the world?
If the police want to win back the trust of South Africans it needs to pause, learn and unlearn a few things. It is time that South Africans hold the Minister and the National Commissioner of Police and her team accountable to do the following:
Firstly, invite South African practitioners, trainers and researchers to help you succeed. There is a wealth of experience and knowledge in this country and abroad. 
Secondly, call the best minds in the country together to design a kind of “Operation Restore Trust and Safety”— a comprehensive turn-around strategy that is based on solid research, sound theories and practices, and aligned with constitutional and basic human values and principles. 
Thirdly, acknowledge and apologise for the mistakes of the past and spell out clear principles and strategies to prevent a repetition.  
Fourthly, catch police officers doing things right and reward them as role-models.
Fifthly, all police officers should be trained to listen to and build relationships with the public, especially those with a potential for violent protests.  As the tagline for the movie Babel says “If you want to be understood, listen.” 
Sixthly, reorientate police towards prevention and de-escalation instead of only enforcing law and order. 
It will be a long journey, but trust can be restored. It depends on leadership. 

Wednesday, April 3, 2013

Can police and protestors solve a common problem? Interview with Carsten Alven, a Dialogue Police Officer in Sweden


8 February 2013

After the Gothenburg riots in 2001, the Swedish Police realised that they needed to develop a new tactical approach to manage protests and crowds. Eventually a new tactical unit, the so-called Dialogue Police Unit, was established. 

Stefan Holgersson and Johannes Knutsson describe the goal of the Swedish Dialogue Police as follows: 
"By using a counterpart perspective, the police want to avoid actions that cause escalation. The aim is to achieve de-escalation. In this connection, dialogue police officers have an important function. Their task is to establish contact with the demonstrators before, during, and after the demonstration and to act as a link between the organizers of the events and the police commanders. Compared to the old tactic, the new uses a number of situational techniques that are known to have preventive effects. A dilemma for the dialogue police officers is pressure from the commanders to act as intelligence officers. Another is that other officers may be skeptical to their role. Development over time suggests, however, increasing acceptance." Dialogue Policing - a Means for Less Crowd Violence? Stefan Holgersson, Stockholm Police Department Johannes Knutsson, Norwegian Police University College.
I have had the privilege of working with Carsten Alven, a Dialogue Police Officer, on several occasions and interviewed him recently at Arlanda Airport in Stockholm: 

The last time I saw you you were on your way to Gotland to mediate in an environmental protest. How did it go?
Yes, after I got home from the workshop I had only one hour to pack and then took the ferry to the island. There was a stand off between local and environmental activists and a mining company at a stone quarry. The farming community and a large part of the population on the island supported the action. I did not have much sleep that night, because early the next morning I was informed that the newly arrived Greenpeace activists had chained themselves to the trucks and bulldozers.
So what did you do?
We talked to the protesters about their aims. They said that not least they wanted media attention, which we then tried to help them arrange. The media interviewed them and published the stories online. I showed them the media coverage on my iPad and asked them whether they were satisfied that some of their aims were achieved. Some of them then unchained themselves.
And what about the the rest?
The police removed the chains and they were arrested. 
But how did the arrest of protestors influence your role as dialogue police?
One has to draw the distinction between legality and legitimacy. Whilst the police acted according to the law by arresting the protesters, we as dialogue police acknowledged the fact that the protesters had legitimate concerns. When you respect people’s right to express their views you build trust and a space to open dialogue. It is a fact that that laws keep changing. What was illegal a couple of years ago is now legal and vice versa. People have the right to question and oppose legislation, but if they break the law they will face the consequences. When the police only focus on the law without regard for people’s concern about the legitimacy of the laws they do not contribute to any solutions. The focus then becomes on apprehending the law-breakers.
So when police are only wearing their professional jacket instead of also their “human” jackets they miss the opportunity to connect to people as citizens with rights?
Yes, they then tend to see people as law-breakers, criminals and “enemies” instead of creating the notion of a common problem that needs to be solved together. 
Narrative therapy conveys the message that people are never the problem. The problem is the problem and what needs to be resolved is our relationship with the problem. 
Carsten: In this case the problem is respecting the rights of everyone involved to express themselves. The answer lies in the conversations—dialogue—to arrive at a common solution to a common problem. Most police do not put enough effort to invest in the quest for a solution to the common problem. They don’t see it as their role to bridge the gap. 
So how do you as dialogue police influence your colleagues to approach matters in a different way?
We are in regular discussions with my colleagues. The current debate is about how to increase police efficiency. For them it means that more people should be charged and convicted. The current conviction rate is about 15%, which does not reflect well on the police. While one would argue that their primary function is to prevent crime, they are more interested in getting people convicted. One example is that they rejected a proposal to warn motorists on returning ferries not to drive while under the influence of alcohol. A proposal to notify motorists to that effect and to offer assistance in finding alternative drivers for them was rejected. No, the police would much rather let them drive 400 meters and then arrest them for driving under the influence of alcohol. That, in my view, is not crime prevention. But it looks good on the reports and police need to show that they are winning the fight against crime, but are they?
So you’re concerned that the police only focus on the negative things?
Precisely. Instead of strengthening the forces of society to create the common good for all, they choose to be reactive and punish people. It is easier to illustrate how many people you have arrested than to illustrate what you have prevented. Police are measured by the number of convictions, but convictions do not prevent crime and do not heal the effects of crime. The role models of police are the images of brave men and women on the frontline apprehending criminals and protecting the public. Because this role model is so deeply engraved in police culture, very few realise that the whole point of policing is that it should not be necessary to reach that frontline. Preventing crime does not make you a hero. You may get credit for mediating in tough situations, but all the hard work that goes into prevention—the many hours of building relationships, assessing the situation, putting proactive systems in place, etc.—is not public and newsworthy. The fact that you prevented violent clashes is not recognised, because the clashes never happened.
So prevention does not mean that you want to prevent people from demonstrating/
Not at all. In fact, you actually encourage people to express their views and feelings. You do not try to suppress it. And even more, you actively help people to make the demonstration as successful as possible. For example, in the Gotland stand-off, police blocked the road 1.5 km from the demonstration site to prevent the farmers of blocking the only road to the quarry first and thereby making it impossible for the police to reach the demonstration. It was a hot day and many people came out in support of the protest action. We as dialogue police helped to arrange transport for the elderly folks who could not walk the distance and we made sure there was enough water to drink. 
So your first response is to treat people with respect?
Of course. The first response should always be to respect people and their civil liberties. This does not always happen in the police, unfortunately. Police tend to violate people’s rights to choose where and when they want to protest and then confine them to an area far away from the site of action.
But is that not a good thing?  In South Africa we experience many violent demonstrations. The most recent one was the farm worker strikes in the fruit producing Western Cape. When the protestors roamed the streets and roads in December a lot of property was destroyed and violence was used. When the strikes resumed in January, the loss of property was less because the police contained the strikers to residential areas, away from the farms and factories. 
It seems like the rules of the game are perfectly clear to the activists and that they act logically by adhering to those rules. People use violence because they see that as the only way they can get the attention of authorities. Once people understand this as the rules, then they play within those rules and even go beyond that. When the society is able to change the rules to make non-violent protests achieve the desired results the situation can be resolved constructively, but if police react with violence it is familiar territory for the protestors and they will respond with violence.  Violence between police and protesters is often a case of misunderstanding. To a bystander, a crowd might well seem to behave irrationally, while at the same time behaving perfectly rationally in the view of the participants. 
We live in a violent society where the political and socio-economic temperature flares up to the point of spontaneous combustion. Violence spreads like a wild fire in summer time and the actions are often spontaneous, uncoordinated, leaderless, hard to influence and very susceptible to opportunistic political or criminal infiltration. The police can only step in to “restore law and order”, which entails traditional public order policing methods such as rubber bullets, teargas and sometimes live ammunition as in Marikana. 
You cannot take out an insurance policy when your car is already on fire. Likewise, you cannot expect to prevent violence when violence has flared up already. The bulk of prevention happens prior to the action. That is the time when you should have your ear on the ground, meeting with key leaders in the sector and discuss ways to ensure that people express themselves peacefully.  A real challenge with this focus on prevention is that most organizations are reluctant to spend money if on prevention of things they don’t even know will ever occur. Policing is not about putting out fires. It is about preventing the fires from starting in the first place. That requires the involvement of the whole society. You cannot only hold the police responsible and blame them when fires break out and things go wrong. 
Are you also saying that police are like someone who only has a hammer and that every situation is a potential nail?
Precisely. If you have only one tool you tend to try to be on the lookout for situations where you can use that tool. That kills creativity. And creativity is needed if we are to change police culture and the culture the society and how they look at themselves and the police. 
What is the profile of the dialogue police in the rest of the Swedish police? Do you get the support that you need?
The rank and file are not convinced that our approach is effective to prevent crime. The top leadership supports us, but we do not get the financial support we need. We were supposed to attend a potentially explosive demonstration between two opposing ideological political groups the other day, but there was no money to deploy us. When the dialogue police unit was established in 2001 after the riots in Gothenburg in response to an EU summit and a visit by US President GW Bush,  there was a lot of growth and excitement about the results of the first dialogue policing attempts. That awareness of why dialogue policing was so effective has subsided somewhat. Having said that, we are expanding the focus areas from the original political, religious and ethnic conflicts to hooliganism and sport fan clubs. Three of my colleagues and I are departing tomorrow for Berlin to exchange ideas on how to prevent fan club violence. 
We get a lot of support from foreign academics who come to Sweden for research. There is scientific evidence that we are effective. 
So what is your strategy to influence your colleagues?
It is a struggle. For example, police typically don’t make a distinction between the person and the behaviour. They would blame us for having coffee with or meeting a “trouble maker”. We then tell them that while we do not agree with the behaviour, that individual has exactly the same rights and freedoms as everyone else and that needs to be respected. When you enter into a conversation with someone you move beyond the behaviour to ask about intentions. What does he/she want to achieve? What values are important to you? Can we jointly find alternative ways of meeting your needs and aspirations? Are different outcomes possible while you still achieve your goals?
There has been a shift already. In the past the focus was on protecting the public order. Now the focus is on protection of civil liberties and democratic values. It is not an empty slogan. The priority should be on civil liberties, not the protection of public order. 
I’m not so sure that one is more important than the other, especially in the South African context where public violence and destruction of property and lives are so prevalent…
You’ve got to give police and protestors reason to trust each other. When you don’t trust you don’t give others the responsibility to show you are worthy of trust. The way to build trust is to dialogue. The beauty of dialogue is that you take part in it voluntarily. You become the architect of  your own future and the protector of the solutions. 
But dialogue has to also address the issue of power? You know the saying that power is like cow manure. When you heap it up it stinks, but when you spread it out it fertilizes the fields. 
In police academies all over the world the police train how to give orders and take command of situations, but not so much how to really listen and how to engage in a genuine dialogue. So police is used to give orders and tell people what to do. When tasked to engage with their clients they now need to share power and that is not easy. When you seek solutions with others through dialogue they also need to have the power to propose and act differently. That is often hard for police to accept, especially if you view people as subjects who need to be disciplined. 
It looks as if you are really good at building relationships with the public and the potential capacities for friction in society, but are you paying sufficient attention to dialogue in the police service?
It is hard to engage in real, genuine dialogue with your peers and police management. We need to put in as much effort to internal dialogue as external dialogue. I don’t quite know how to rectify this. For example, the criminal intelligence unit wants to use dialogue for intelligence purposes. They consider every carrier of information intelligence, and expect us to gather intelligence for them and upload our information into the intelligence software. For us as dialogue police information and intelligence need to be separated. We need a separate information gathering system. We can’t use dialogue as our source for intelligence gathering. Intelligence gathering methods are bound to create mistrust and suspicion. All of our work could be ruined. 
Coming back to the internal dialogue issue, surely it is possible to nurture relationships of trust with key senior people who would be your advocates and champions?
There is unfortunately no internal dialogue insofar as this matter is concerned. The gains that we made by demilitarising the police after the 2001 Gothenburg riots came as a result of rigorous internal debate. We were part of the innovation and inventions. Unfortunately dialogue died out after that. Now we are just part of the status quo. 
And how is that linked to the “police culture”?
There is a saying that culture eats strategy for breakfast. The strength of dialogue is that it can broaden the conversation about how we do things and how we understand the situation to include not only the police but also the public. It is hard for those who are defined by the group culture to reinvent themselves and to be creative in changing the culture. Police culture, in particular, has thicker walls than most other cultures because there is so much at stake: public and political pressure, history, uniforms, hierarchy, expectations to see robust and tough people on the frontline, pride and loyalty are all contributing to the DNA of police culture. That culture does not stay in the police environment. Police carry that culture into their personal and public spheres. Anyone who challenges “the system” is seen as a trouble maker and a threat who is best dealt with by isolating and ostracising him or her. 
So, for many police, dialogue is seen as a short term response to a crisis instead of a longer term approach to achieve lasting solutions. You don’t build a career by investing time and energy into lower profile behind the scenes longer-term work, but through short term impact with high visibility. Nor do you build a career by advocating for change. This is also the case with politicians whose attention is mostly focus on getting re-elected at the next election. There is little traction to prioritise longer-term strategic thinking and proactive action. 
Maybe the conversations could shift the focus from career (what’s in it for me) to legacy (what’s ultimately the benefit for society)?
I come back to the point of how do we shift the rules of the game? How do we make it beneficial to my career to work for dialogue?  For that we need genuine dialogue!  I’ve been thinking of writing a book on this. 
There is no better time than now to start!

Saturday, November 3, 2012

Wouldn't it be wonderful if we all could walk "six feet tall"?


Chinua Achebe. The Trouble with Nigeria.
Who is a patriot? He is a person who loves his country. He is not a person who says he loves his country. He is not even a person who shouts or swears or recites or sings his love of his country. He is one who cares deeply about the happiness and well-being of his country and all its people. Patriotism is an emotion of love directed by a critical intelligence. A true patriot will always demand the highest standards of his country and accept nothing but the best for and from his people. He will be outspoken in condemnation of their short-comings without giving way to superiority, despair or cynicism. That is my idea of a patriot.
True patriotism is possible only when the people who rule and those under their power have a common an genuine goal of maintaining the dispensation under which the nation lives. This will, in turn, only happen if the nation is ruled justly, if the welfare of all the people rather than the advantage of the few becomes the corner stone of public policy.
National pledges and pious admonitions administered by the ruling classes or their paid agents are entirely useless in fostering true patriotism. In extreme circumstances of social, economic and political inequities such as we have in Nigeria, pledges and admonitions may even work in the reverse direction and provoke rejection or cynicism and despair. One shining act of bold, selfless leadership at the top, such as unambiguous refusal to be corrupt or tolerate corruption at the fountain of authority, will radiate powerful sensations of well-being and pride through every nerve and artery of national life. 
I saw such a phenomenon on two occasions in Tanzania in the 1960s. The first was when news got around (not from the Ministry of Information, but on the street corners) that President Nyerere after paying his children’s school fees had begged his bank to give him a few months’ grace on the repayment of the mortgage on his personal house. The other occasion was when he insisted that anyone in his cabinet or party hierarchy who had any kind of business interests must either relinquish them or leave his official or party position. This was no mere technicality of putting the business interest in escrow but giving it up entirely. And many powerful ministers including the formidable leader of TANU Women were forced to leave cabinet. On these occasions ordinary Tanzanians seemed to walk around, six feet tall. They did not need sermons on patriotism; nor a committee of bishops and emirs to inaugurate a season of ethical revolution for them. 

Wednesday, September 19, 2012

Attitudes that shape the world: Participants’ Self-reflections During a Course on Dialogue and Mediation.


When people tell their stories, especially stories about what motivates them to do what they do, powerful insights emerge, such as the following reflections by international participants:

We’ve seen Auschwitz and apartheid South Africa.
We have fled our homes in Lebanon, Afghanistan and the Balkans.
We feared for our lives at the hands of many who were fighting in the name of God/Allah.
We have witnessed the bodies of loved ones and neighbours being brought back from the war.
We have carried Kalashnikofs and AK 47s and dreamed of being brave fighters. 
We were indoctrinated and taught to dismantle rifles and hate the other.
We have forgotten how to deal with conflict and did not believe in dialogue and mediation. 

But...
We are driven by basic human values.
We grew up mediating between siblings and between parents.
We followed the advice from parents to take care of the land and to get an education.
We received books from grandmothers and lecturers.
We received inspiration through traveling and visits to places of conflict. 
We were struck by inequalities, xenophobia and rejection and asked “Why?”
We broke free from the chains of ideology and found inner beliefs and convictions.
We challenged dominant paradigms and found new freedoms.
We understood that security means more than being able to defend yourself.
We reacted to glaring injustice by becoming advocates for change.
We transformed retributive justice into restorative justice.
We became mediators and peacebuilders.
We transformed hate and apathy to compassion and understanding.
We refused to accept that violence ends violence and decided to prevent it instead.
We responded to the void by creating infrastructures for peace.
We work to fix a broken system. 
We dedicate our lives to restoring relationships.
We discover that we can learn while we we do.
We serve instead of wanting to become powerful consumers of service. 
We found new passion and joy and a curiosity to discover more.
We network with others and are inspired by what they do. 
We do not give up, because we have tenacity and commitment.
We learned to listen in order to resolve. 
We believe in dialogue and mediation.

Folke Bernadotte Academy, Sandö, Sweden. 
May 2012




Thursday, August 9, 2012

Twenty Reasons Why Citizens Call for Dialogue


During the recent Finding Ways to Walk Together Dialogue Initiative in South Africa, four regional and a national dialogue event were held. Here is a summary of the key messages, translated into needs and aspirations with regards to dialogue:
  1. The right thing to do
    To engage in dialogue is absolutely necessary for the survival of the nation 
  2. Inclusion and participation
    To access, convene and participate in relevant dialogues with the right people (especially the youth), about the right issues at the right time
  3. Breaking the silence about conflict
    To speak out and get to the root causes of conflict
  4. Language of courage
    To speak the truth to those in authority and one another in authentic and constructive ways
  5. Inspiration and vision
    To unite behind a vision that inspires citizens to shift from prisoners of the past to pioneers of the future, from passive recipients to active citizens
  6. Leadership
    To foster wise, visionary and moral leadership that listens and responds to valid  concerns and aspirations
  7. Dignity and Equality
    To recognise, affirm and value one another’s human dignity in spaces where people are treated equally
  8. Connectedness and alignment
    To know that people are not talking in isolation of one another and that the results of dialogue are shared across the country 
  9. Cohesion
    To create a society that is free from prejudice, polarization and factionalism which are often linked to tribe, race, political affiliation or class differences
  10. Protection
    To be able to meet in safe spaces that are free from domination or coercion especially when uncomfortable discussions take place; and to be free from persistent confrontation, blaming and attacks
  11. Good process
    To participate in well-facilitated processes instead of senseless and fruitless talking
  12. Meaning
    To be confident that everyone’s  contributions are valued
  13. Creation
    To contribute in creative ways to ideas and actions towards a better life for all, instead of focusing on problems all the time
  14. A development agenda
    To participate in a development agenda for the country 
  15. Freedom from poverty
    To join hands to overcome the shared problem of poverty, which is the real enemy—not people
  16. Listening and understanding
    To access and learn from reliable information; to listen, to understand and to be understood
  17. Healing
    To heal relationships and to overcome our common woundedness, shifting from a mentality of victims to that of victors
  18. Non-violent alternative forms of expression
    To counter violence, which has become a dominant language 
  19. Capacities
    To build and support capacities of structures and facilitators to engage and sustain in dialogue
  20. National mechanism for dialogue
    To establish a national framework and structure/mechanism, without which dialogue will not automatically happen

Wednesday, August 8, 2012

Getting to Know Dialogue


Chris Spies
Dialogue is my last name. My first names are too many to mention. They vary from context to context. So, I’m being called Political Dialogue, Environmental Dialogue, Generic Dialogue, Gender Dialogue, Development Dialogue, Family Dialogue, or whatever people choose to call me. 
I live in “Uncomfortable Safe Spaces” in families, communities, regions, countries; in offices, board rooms, organisations, governments and wherever people practice it.  
I am very different from my distant trouble making cousins Debate, Negotiation, Consultation and Speech, and am frustrated when people confuse us. 
I am very close to my close friend Mediation. We both aim for the same goal. 
I do not carry weapons or shields, because, in safe spaces, there is no need for anybody to attack others or defend themselves. 
My windows are always wide open to allow fresh ideas and perspectives to enter. 
I like to be agile and fit and feel I’m more productive when I’m with fewer people rather than big crowds. So I like key people more than more people, but I also realise that key people will have to make sure that more people dialogue. 
I do not hide or sweep anything under the carpet and keep probing until the complexities begin to emerge.
I recognise that there is sometimes an elephant in the room and then I encourage everyone to say which part of the elephant they recognise. 
I am not afraid to speak the truth boldly. Neither am I afraid to hear and discuss uncomfortable issues.
I do not so much care about who is right, but about what the future asks of us.
I am also not afraid of differences. In fact, I encourage and invite them. 
My goal is not to win arguments. I am curious about what others think and I want to understand better where they come from. 
I therefore do not hold on to “my idea”, because I’m more interested in“our ideas”.  
Blaming does not help anyone. It does not help if I’m jealous of others and certainly not when I take offense if someone criticises me.  
I do not exclude anyone, especially the differently abled people. 
I am a player on the field— not a spectator that dictates from the outside.  
I do not like egos, centre stages, pedestals and podiums. I am most happy in a circle where no one is more important than the other.  
I  have big ears and a small mouth, not the other way around.  
I’m not dressed in T-shirts with negative slogans.  I like to carry a blanket to cover others who are out in the cold.  
People say that, unlike my cousin debate, I do not make them tired and despondent. They find me inspiring and energizing. 
People often think that all I can do is talk. That’s not true. In fact, talking without meaningful interaction is sterile.  And interaction that does not lead to meaningful change in a world full of social injustice is a waste of time. 
If you call me a “soft option” you are dead wrong. I think if you are afraid of me and if you choose to win all the time, you are taking the easy way out. To engage with me is very hard work. You will have to face yourself and those that differ from you. 
I encourage you to be a leader: Be brave people and create something with others that would not have been possible if you had acted alone.  

Sunday, July 22, 2012

Terug op die lug...Back on air

Ek het die afgelope jaar die blog afgeskeep en het Facebook en LinkedIn meer gebruik, maar dis tyd om weer die drade op te tel.

Die Nasionale Dialoog gebeur hierdie week in Johannesburg te Liliesleaf, Rivonia. Kliek op Radio onderhoud en dokumente oor die nasionale dialoog vir meer besonderhede.

I neglected my blog over the last year or so as I experimented with Facebook and LinkedIn for networking purposes. But I'll pick up from where I'd left it.

The Finding Ways to Walk Together national dialogue takes place at Liliesleaf, Rivonia, on July 25-26.  You can find more information here.

Wednesday, January 5, 2011

Don't stop talking!

I found this Search for Common Ground reflection on the dialogue between Palestinians and Israelis very profound. http://www.commongroundnews.org/print_article.php?artId=29053&dir=left&lan=en&sid=2

I particularly like the last paragraph:

"I come from Palestinian roots, but more and more in these dialogues and in other areas of my life, I see myself as someone whose primary role is to enable and sustain the process of dialogue as a whole. As such, I do not represent one side. We are all parts of the whole and if we could see ourselves as a part of those who are outside our ethnic and religious communities, we would not be afraid to sympathise with their fears and pains. We would know that they are ours, too."

Having said that, while every drop of dialogue surely contributes to hope, each drop often disappears into the barren soil of despair. Little dialogue streams do not necessarily join together to become a main stream. Do we have to work smarter to ensure that commitment to dialogue, dialogue initiatives, and capacity building for dialogue are all woven into and anchored within a nationally accepted safe-space infrastructure?

All the best for 2011. Peace be with you all.


Wednesday, December 15, 2010

UN vote against sexual orientation protection "shameful"

[With thanks to Vidyarata Kissoon from Guyana who brought this to my attention]

This coming Monday, December 20, the United Nations General Assembly will vote on whether to include protection for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people in a crucial resolution on extra-judicial executions and other unlawful killings. For the past 10 years, this resolution has urged states “to investigate promptly and thoroughly all killings, including… all killings committed for any discriminatory reason, including sexual orientation.” It is the only UN resolution to ever include an explicit reference to sexual orientation. Just last month, South Africa voted with a number of states to remove the reference to sexual orientation from this important resolution.

The United Nations voted this week to remove sexual orientation from a resolution calling on countries to protect the life of all people and to investigate extra-judicial, summary or arbitrary executions that are motivated by prejudice and discrimination.

Arab and African nations succeeded in getting a U.N. General Assembly panel to delete from a resolution condemning unjustified executions a specific reference to killings due to sexual orientation.

The UN:
http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs//2...hc3997.doc.htm

IGLHRC & ARC:
http://www.iglhrc.org/cgi-bin/iowa/a...ease/1257.html

Commenting on the UN vote, gay rights and human rights campaigner Peter Tatchell said:

"This is a shameful day in United Nations history. It gives a de facto green light to the on-going murder of LGBT people by homophobic regimes, death squads and vigilantes. They will take comfort from the fact that the UN does not endorse the protection of LGBT people against hate-motivated murder.

"The UN vote is in direct defiance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which guarantees equal treatment, non-discrimination and the right to life. What is the point of the UN if it refuses to uphold its own humanitarian values and declarations?

"This vote is partly the result of a disturbing homophobic alliance between mostly African and Arab states, often inspired by religious fundamentalism. LGBT people in these countries frequently suffer severe persecution.

“Many of the nations that voted for this amendment want to ensure that their anti-gay policies are not scrutinised or condemned by the UN. Even if they don’t directly sanction the killing of LGBT people, they have lined up alongside nations that do.

"South Africa and Cuba claim to support LGBT human rights, yet they voted to remove sexual orientation. They can no longer be considered gay-friendly states. Both countries have allied themselves with tyrannical, violent, homophobic regimes, like Saudi Arabia and Iran. Presidents Raul Castro and Jacob Zuma should hang their heads in shame. They've betrayed the liberation ideals that they profess to uphold," said Mr Tatchell.

"It's a step backwards and it's extremely disappointing that some countries felt the need to remove the reference to sexual orientation, when sexual orientation is the very reason why so many people around the world have been subjected to violence," said Philippe Bolopion of Human Rights Watch.

States will have the opportunity to restore the reference to sexual orientation – and hopefully extend it to also include gender identity – when the resolution comes up before the UN General Assembly on Monday, December 20.

We call on the Government of South Africa to change its vote and to reverse the removal of sexual orientation from the resolution. This resolution seeks to bring attention to the most serious human rights violation, the loss of the right to life. The Special Rapporteur on extra-judicial executions has constantly underlined that people are subject to extra-judicial executions because of their actual or presumed sexual orientation or gender identity.

On International Human Rights Day, 2010, UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon addressed a UN side event: ‘Ending Violence and Criminal Sanctions on the Basis of Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity.’ This panel was convened by, among other countries, Norway and Brazil.

The Secretary General in his remarks noted that “When individuals are attacked [or] abused … because of their sexual orientation, we must speak out… It is not called the ‘Partial’ Declaration of Human Rights. It is not the ‘Sometimes’ Declaration of Human Rights. It is the Universal Declaration, guaranteeing all human beings their basic human rights, without exception.”

We call on the Government of South Africa to ensure that regardless of what the perceptions of gay, lesbian, bisexual or transgender persons are, that the government will not endorse the torture or killing of people because of their sexual orientation or gender identity.

To fail to do so is to reverse the progress South Africa has made locally and internationally in advancing human rights.

Thursday, November 18, 2010

From cohesion to cowesion

The term cohesion is a powerful one. In scientific terms, cohesion is an attraction between molecules of the same substance, whereas adhesion is an attraction between molecules of different substances.


"Social cohesion", a popular concept in the field of economic and social sciences, conveys the message of the "glue that holds us together". It attempts to describe the outcome of processes whereby people hold on to one another despite differences, hardships, or adverse circumstances. It is used widely in literature and in the field of conflict transformation and the prevention of violent conflict. For example, in Guyana I worked as a United Nations Peace and Development Advisor for the UNDP's Social Cohesion Programme.


What I find, especially when interacting with people at community level, is that the term "social cohesion" is not easily understood. It does not appeal to people. "I can't find the diamond in the concept", someone said yesterday in the Stellenbosch Social Cohesion Movement meeting. Furthermore, it's hard to pronounce for some non-English speaking persons. Hearing people pronouncing it as "co-heh-sion" (sounds like "heh-heh"!) makes people ever further confused.


Trevor Phillips, the Chairman of the Commission for Racial Equality in Britain, dislikes the term and says it lacks clarity. He prefers to talk about "integrated societies". The Club of Madrid talks about "shared societies".


What I begin to understand is that the underlying value/intended outcome of social cohesion is a sense of "we-ness", as opposed to divisions and unhealed multiple woundedness (as Martha Cabrera calls it) that are usually characterized by blaming of "the other". Destructive conflict and dysfunctional relationships firmly create an "othering" or "you-ness", instead of a "we-ness".


I am therefore proposing the coining of a new concept: social cowesion: n. 1. the extent to which people unite and include others to constructively satisfy fundamental human needs and rights for everyone; 2. a sense of unity and purpose to design and implement societies, systems and institutions that are just, fair and empowering for everyone; 3. a description of the quality of relationships between people who value, build and respond to constructive conflict; 4. a description of a shared and integrated society that values "we-ness" instead of divisions.


This is work in progress, and your views are welcome. What do you think? Maybe the confusion will be even greater? Who knows.